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INDIA COMMITS SUICIDE

By Gurdarshan Singh Dhillon

PREFACE

In the recent years, the Punjab crisis has been the focus of world-wide attention. A spate of literature has appeared on the subject especially after the Army assault on the Golden Temple but none of these writings has dealt with the problem in its entirety and none has made an objective and in-depth study in the proper historical perspective. Few have approached the essence of the problem with equity and equanimity. Most people in India and abroad have formed a distorted view of the issues partly on account of the lack of adequate information but mainly due to the twisted and one sided versions circulated by the Government controlled as well as the private media, Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer once remarked that, "the full Punjab story in its vertical objectivity and dialectic perceptivity remains a holistic vision." I would consider my humble endeavor amply rewarded if I could succeed in my aim to provide to the readers a true perspective on this challenging subject.

The book takes up the appraisal of events spread over nearly four decades (1947-1987). Before 1947, the parallel standing of the Sikhs as the third political entity in the country was acknowledged by all, including the Congress. The Sikhs decided to relinquish their bargaining power in the wake of the solemn assurances of the Congress leadership that they would be given a fair deal in free India in the form of constitutional safeguards. It may well be remembered that the Congress had consistently propagated a federal structure for free India.

After Independence a reassessment of the Sikh problem was essential. Discussing the "Future political status of the uprooted Sikhs’, the Statesman, Calcutta, in its editorial on June 4, 1948, made a strong plea that "the Indian Dominion should consider the Sikhs a special case, requiring special statesmanship of a farsighted sort, special sympathy and special practical aid... It would be both intrinsically right and tactically expedient if the Indian leaders give the needs and aspirations of this now-a-days sorrow-laden but virile and gifted people, their most sympathetic consideration. Statesmanship should be able to devise means of creating for the Sikhs a special position in the Indian remanent of their homeland, the Punjabi, without any unfairness to others. The Hindu community and the Congress party, on whom they now mainly depend for understanding and aid, are numerically immense and dominant throughout all the rest of the Indian union. If a just and true solution of the Sikh problem is not found, the larger new Dominion may experience difficulties and even perils in a corner of its territory, where these would b e particularly upsetting. The words proved almost prophetic.

The leadership in free India failed to realize that a satisfied Sikh community could be an invaluable and lasting asset to any state, a source of pride for any nation, just as a frustrated or suppressed Sikh people could be a potential source of weakness for the nation.

After Independence, the Congress, instead of genuinely addressing itself to the much - publicized ideals of secularism and democracy, began to play a deceptive role. It failed to realize that a pluralistic state can be nurtured and sustained not be destroying diversity and by stamping out genuine expressions of democratic will but by according full respect to the distinctive identity of each community. Through chauvinistic propaganda made over the years, the ruling party projected itself as a symbol of nationalist and patriotic forces, of the country’s unity and integrity and dubbed all those who did not see eye to eye with its policies as anti-national and unpatriotic. It was nothing but a calculated exercise to bring into question the patriotism of the minorities and to usurp their socio-political rights in the name of nationalism and to invest the majority community with an extra-patriotic color.

The roots of the crisis in Punjabi can be traced to the failure of the congress leadership to apply the linguistic principle on a uniform basis. Even the demand of a Punjabi speaking state conceded grudgingly did not prove a final and lasting solution to the problem and the creation of a truncated and economically crippled sub-state, could not restore peace.

The main thrust of the Dharam Yudh Morcha (1982) was against the economic deprivation of the State. The Akalis had not asked for anything more than what was rightly and legitimately due to the Punjabi on the principles of equity and equality. Even Bhindranwale had not asked for anything more than the acceptance of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. But it was unfortunate that legitimate economic, linguistic and territorial demands, which were within the framework of the constitution, were dubbed as anti-national. The story brings into sharp focus a consistent policy of discrimination, arbitrary and unilateral awards, sham negotiations, deceptive accords, confrontation and blood shed. The media has also toed the line of the Government and has failed to highlight the enormity of injustice done to Punjabi. In its reportage on the crisis in Punjabi, the media, by and large, has concentrated its attention on projecting the Sikhs as fundamentalists, terrorists, and secessionists and completely ignored the politico-economic issues that have had a direct bearing on the crisis.

By keeping the issues hanging indefinitely and then taking the preposterous stop of mounting an armed attack on the Golden Temple, the sanctum sanctorum of the Sikhs on a holy day, the Government added a new dimension to the crisis. The massacre of the Sikhs in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination depended the crisis still further. These traumatic events caused a sense of deep hurt, humiliation and alienation in the Sikh community.

The soil of Punjabi continues to be stained with blood. There seems to be no end to the vicious cycle of violence and vengeance set in motion by the arbitrary and the iniquitous steps taken by the Centre. Over the years, the Government has not tried to salve the sores; rather is has devised harsher and still harsher strategies to tackle the problem which seems to be more and more elusive. The book is an attempt at separating myth from history, correcting distorted versions and revealing the hidden truths. The unmasking of certain facts and stark truths may be unpalatable to many, even though some of the dramatis personae are no more on the scene.

I take this opportunity to record my profound debt of gratitude to S. Daljeet Singh I.A.S. (Retd.), who spared his valuable time in going through the manuscript and gave me some very useful suggestions. Words are not enough to express my thanks to Maj. General Narinder Singh (Retd.), Col. Bhagat Singh (Retd.), S. Sukhdev Singh, a leading journalist, S. Jasdev Singh Sandhu Ex-M.L.A. and S. Karmjit Singh of the Punjabi Tribune, who placed at my disposal newspapers and other relevant records, which were of great help to me. I am extremely grateful to the authorities of the Panjab University, Chandigarh, for granting me study leave to complete this project. I am also indebted to my friend Prof. Jodh Singh, Head of the Fine Arts Department, Government College for Girls, Sector II, Chandigarh, who took a keen interest in preparing the cover design of the book. My thanks are also due to Mr. Rajesh Bindra, proprietor Roxana Printers for the pains he has taken over the printing and set up of this book. I have to acknowledge a debt of a different kind to my dearest daughter Puneet, who bore with me during this stupendous work.

Gurdarshan Singh Dhillon

Reader in History,

Panjab University, Chandigarh

(Resi) House No. 2059, Sec. 15-C

Chandigarh

20th August, 1992.

Contents

(1)

Introduction 1

(2)

Water And Hydel Power Issue : Punjabi Suba Sabotaged 47

Why The Dharam Yudh Morcha, 1966-1981 ? 69

(4)

Dharam Yudh Morcha, 1982 119

(5)

Attack On The Heart of Sikhism 200

Variant Perceptions of The Blue Star Attack 297

(7)

The -Massacre of Sikhs 315

(8)

A Deed of Surrender 347

(9)Conclusion 393

Select Bibliography 413

Index 421

INTRODUCTION

This study seeks to make an analysis of the Punjab history since 1947 leading to the Dharam Yudh Morcha, the Operation Blue Star, the Operation Wood Rose and the Accord of 1985. The Morcha and the demolition of Akal Takhat during the attack on the Golden Temple are major landmarks in the history of Punjab. We shall examine the events that led to the demolition and the implications there of, whether or not these are going to leave a major scar on the life of Punjab, giving a turn to history. No doubt, these events are too recent for any proper historical analysis. But a watchful historian can certainly exercise his judgement and discern the broad trend of policies and events that have taken place in the last four decades. The need for a perceptive record of the forces and interests that have shaped the socio-political happenings is necessary, especially because many of the reports and writings on the subject are, to a great extent, superficial, journalistic or an evident attempt to camouflage and distort the realities of the situation and motives. Emotions have blurred facts. For example, issues of water, territory, language, etc., simple inter-state controversies, became matters of confrontation between the Hindus and the Sikhs. All this has led to mutual mistrust and driven the two communities to develop antagonistic attitudes and to take almost intractable positions. It is true that a historian's job is considerably hampered owing to the non-availability of authentic information especially from Government records on the related issues. The media coverage could on that account be considered hardly fair or accurate. Quite often, it has either shown the influence of communal politics or merely erdorsed Government policies. Some aspects of the Punjab crisis have been blown out of proportion, some others under reported and still others completely overlooked or omitted.

Because of the black laws and their ruthless operation, it has not been possible for the Sikhs even to counter the barrage of hostile propaganda against them. The present study attempts to lay bare the facts.

The Sikhs : Here it is necessary to state who the Sikhs are and what they stand for. Sikhism has its own peculiar features. It differs from the earlier religious traditions in its basic postulates. It has a distinctive world-view; its conception of God, its unique code of ethics and its separate tradition give it a distinct religious personality. In Sikhism, there is no place for the doctrine of the world being Mithya (illusion) and the resultant renunciation, withdrawal, escapism or pessimism. Sikhism is not an inward looking salvation system. The world of sense and form is looked upon as true and meaningful in which religion could be an effective vehicle of promoting the values of social harmony, love, equality, freedom and brotherhood of man. In the integrated vision of the Sikh Gurus there is no dichotomy between the spiritual and the empirical realms of human existence. Life is one whole and cannot be segregated into separate compartments, religious, social or political. This view finds expression in the doctrine of Miri and Piri and the consequent ideal of Sant-Sipahi. In fact the Miri-Piri doctrine (the combination of the spiritual and the empirical life of man) is a fundamental of the Sikh religion. The Philosophy of the Guru Granth, is entirely different from the other-worldly, the Ahimsic (pacifist) and the devotional systems of India. The role of the last six Gurus, their martyrdom and their anti-Ahimsic approach follows exactly this fundamental of Sikhism.

The Indian religious tradition laid stress on asceticism, monasticism and Sanyas as the means of attaining salvation. The Sikh Gurus completely disapproved of the practice of those who were unwilling to fight the battle of life or withdrew from the world for the purpose of cultivating spirituality. Guru Nanak clearly laid down that 'one gets not to God by despising the world". The God centred lives truthfully while a house holder. According to the life affirming faith of the Gurus, a religious man cannot shun his family obligations and social responsibilities. In a religious milieu, marked with negative and complacent trends, the Guru laid down for man a new religious path commending universal love and brotherhood of man without distinction of caste and creed. The Guru set in motion a new pattern of religious experience, in which man could find his complete self-expression and fulfilment. With his emphasis on the ideals of love and service, the Guru kindled the spark in human nature that inspired men to acquire a sense of purpose and make sacrifices for the cause of truth, justice and righteousness. It was this faith that the ten Gurus lived for over a period of two centuries. It enabled the Sikh community to grapple with the grave sociopolitical challenges over the centuries and acquire a glorious heritage of honesty, chivalry, sufferings and martyrdoms. The religious faith of the Sikhs never wavered even in worst days of their persecution. It was the Sikhs, who after hundreds of years reversed the course of history by forcing the invaders back to their lands and, once for all, sealing the vulnerable borders in the North-West against all future invasions.

Even later in the 20th century, the Sikhs played a pioneering role in the country's struggle for freedom, out of all proportions to their small numbers. The first two revolts against the British, the Kuka revolt and Ghadr rebellion were almost wiolly manned by the Sikhs. Out of the 2,175 martyrs for country's freedom 1,557 or 75 per cent were Sikhs. Out of 2,646 sent to Andamans for life sentence, 2,147 or 80 per cent were Sikhs. Out of the 127 Indians who were sent to the gallows by the British, 92 or 80 per cent were Sikhs. In the Indian National Army led by Subhash Chander Bose, 60 per cent of the soldiers were Sikhs. Whenever it has been a question of fighting for a righteous cause or a question of fighting for human rights and freedom,. the Sikhs have always been in the vanguard.

In the economic field the Sikh peasantry led Punjab in the forefront of agricultural revolution. As a result, it became the most productive state and earned the distinction of being the food bowl of the country. Again, it was the progressive Sikh farmers who converted the dry or most inhospitable regions in the neighbouring States of Rajasthan and U.P. into fertile lands. Whether it was in Lyallpur, Montgomery or Sargodha (now in Pakistan) or in India or abroad in far-flung countries like U.S.A., Canada or Australia. Sikhs have proved to be the best colonizers and migrants wherever new grounds had to be broken. The Sikh spirit of enterprise has been in evidence in all fields of life, whether agriculture, industry or trade. Their martial prowess has made the Sikhs the finest of soldiers. Till independence, they constituted about 25% of the Indian army.

Thus, the Sikhs stand apart from others in terms of the tenets of their faith, extroversion, dynamism, a spirit of enterprise, a progressive outlook and historical antecedents. Love for freedom and justice has been the basic element of the Sikh psyche. They have, on that account, developed a tradition of struggle and sacrifice for the cause of righteousness. The daily Sikh prayer ends with the invocation 'Sarbit da bhala' (welfare of all). In the Sikh theology Dharam stands for righteousness, and Dharam Yudh stands for a fight for righteousness, not a holy war, as misinterpreted by many. Their faith and training have conditioned them to a new wav of life and given them a fervour and singlemindedness of purpose which determines their ethos and functioning.

The tradition of suffering and martyrdom forms a part of the Sikh heritage. A Sikh child is brought up on the tales of sacrifice and valour of men like Taru Singh, Baba Deep Singh, Bhai Mani Singh, Nawab Kapur Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, Hari Singh Nalwa, Akali Phula Singh and others. He hears how the Sikhs humbled the pride of dreaded Pathans and Afghans through feats of endurance displayed by Sikh armies who marched for days on end, 20 to 30 miles a day, while carrying their full pack on their backs. He is told that a Sikh soldier considered it a disgrace if he suffered a wound on his back. Baba Kharak Singh a veteran freedom fighter who was fully nurtured in the Sikh tradition once remarked : "In the fight for India's freedom if you find a bullet in my back, do not count me as one amongst the Sikhs of the Gurus and do not cremate my dead body according to the Sikh rites. A disciple of the great Gurus is an ideal saint-soldier and is supposed to fight in the vanguard and face the bullets in the chest and not in the back, and we the Sikhs shall never allow any foreigner to rule over our Motherland, and we shall brook no injustice."' He said this while presiding over the All India Sikh Conference, held in Lahore, in 1929.

The Sikh Gurdwaras have a basic significance in relation to the crystallisation of the Sikh tradition. They have not only served as repositories of the Sikh faith but have also become the rallying centies of socio-political activities of the community, in keeping with the Sikh doctrine of Miri-Piri or the inseparability of religion and politics. The role of the Gurdwaras in guiding the lives of the Sikhs is even greater than the role of the family.


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